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Supreme Court Voids Gibran's Education Certificate, Raising Political Stakes for Jokowi

Indonesia's Supreme Court has annulled the high school equivalency certificate used by Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka for his 2024 candidacy. The ruling does not itself remove him from office, but a Kompas.com opinion column argues that it deepens his political vulnerability and leaves his father, former President Joko Widodo, facing a difficult choice.

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The certificate and the court findings

In decision No. 742 K/TUN/2026, the Supreme Court granted a petition challenging the equivalency certificate Gibran needed to meet the educational requirement for his vice-presidential candidacy.

Former Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs Mahfud MD said on October 31, 2026, that the ruling applies retroactively, a legal effect known as ex-tunc. He based that interpretation on the court's use of "null" rather than "annulled": in his view, the certificate must be treated as never having existed, making its use invalid from the beginning.

The Supreme Court decision followed Constitutional Court ruling No. 01/PHPU.PRES-XXIV/2026, read on October 6, 2026. That court did not reach the merits because the petitioners lacked legal standing and Gibran, who took office on October 20, 2024, was no longer a candidate subject to the presidential election dispute process.

Although it did not disqualify Gibran, the Constitutional Court said it found no convincing evidence that he held an overseas diploma, certificate or degree satisfying the senior-high-school equivalency requirement in Articles 169(r) and 227(l) of the Election Law.

Gibran's lawyer, Adil Supatra Akbar, presented his educational history at the Jakarta State Administrative Court on October 30, 2026. According to the lawyer, Gibran earned an Ordinary Level (O Level) certificate in Singapore before attending the pre-university program at Australia's UTS Insearch. That institution issued a Certificate of Attendance recording completion of 90 percent of the program's subjects.

The lawyer said Gibran used that document to transfer credits to the Management Development Institute of Singapore (MDIS), where he received an Advanced Diploma. He subsequently studied at the University of Bradford in the United Kingdom through its collaboration with MDIS.

Removal requires a separate process

The Kompas.com column argues that invalidating the certificate undermines Gibran's political legitimacy and public trust, and predicts stronger demands for impeachment. Those political pressures are distinct from the constitutional procedure for removing a sitting vice president.

Former Constitutional Court Chief Justice Jimly Asshiddiqie said removal must begin in the House of Representatives (DPR), proceed to the Constitutional Court and then reach the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR). Voluntary resignation is the only way to avoid that impeachment route, he said.

To send an impeachment proposal to the Constitutional Court, at least two-thirds of DPR members present must support it. The plenary session must also have attendance of at least two-thirds of the DPR's total membership.

An earlier assessment by UGM constitutional law expert Yance Arizona addressed the limits on such efforts. In May 2025, he said there was no valid legal basis at that time for removing Gibran under Article 7A of the 1945 Constitution. He stressed that the DPR, not the MPR, must initiate impeachment and that proven legal violations, rather than public opinion or political pressure, must underpin the case.

The choice facing Jokowi

For Joko Widodo, commonly known as Jokowi, the dilemma is political and personal, according to the Kompas.com column: support his son in staying in office despite the risk of escalating impeachment pressure, or encourage a resignation that would surrender the vice presidency.

The author portrays both options as costly. Remaining in office could expose Gibran to a more damaging fall, while resignation would mean relinquishing a position that required considerable political effort and resources to attain. Jokowi would face that decision with less political capital than he had when helping his son reach the vice presidency, the column argues.

The author expects Jokowi to watch developments rather than quickly endorse resignation. Drawing on his background as a carpenter and the Javanese principle of avoiding haste, the column describes a politician likely to proceed carefully but capable of abruptly changing course when circumstances become unfavorable. It invokes the saying "signal right, turn left" to describe the possible distance between his public signals and eventual actions.

As an example of an unexpected political move, the column recalls Jokowi's invitation to former rival Prabowo Subianto to join his administration as his second term approached. The proposal was controversial but encountered no significant resistance; Prabowo welcomed it and ultimately joined the government.

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